Thursday 8th of May 11.15-12.45
Aula Scarpa
Chair of the session – Martina Cangelosi
Abstracts
Switching and social network size predict perspective-taking skills over the adult lifespan: Implications for future interventions.
by Madeleine Long | Sarah E. MacPherson
University of Edinburgh
A cornerstone of human communication is our reliance on perspective-taking to guide linguistic interactions. However, this skill is prone to age-related decline, negatively impacting relationships and social well-being [1]. Here we set out to uncover the factors underlying this skill by testing adults (N=70, ages 19-79) using both a cognitive and social network approach.
A prevailing theory in psycholinguistics is that perspective-taking is mediated by cognitive control: i.e., inhibition and switching [2,3]. However, less consideration has been given to the role of social networks. Based on prior work which found associations between those with larger networks and an enhanced ability to understand and predict what someone will say [4, 5] and convey information [6], we hypothesised that having a larger network would increase sensitivity to partner-specific information, leading to enhanced perspective-taking.
We also predicted switching and inhibition would play a role [2,3]. Our findings revealed that switching and larger networks were independently associated with enhanced perspective-taking. This has implications for future interventions aimed at improving perspective-taking across the lifespan.
References: [1] Lubben, J.E. & Gironda, M.E. (2003). [2] Brown-Schmidt, S. (2009). [3] Long, M. et al. (2018). [4] Lev-Ari, S. (2016). [5] Lev-Ari, S. (2019). [6] Lev-Ari, S., & Sebanz, N. (2020).
Spontaneous perspective-taking age- and cultural-related differences
by Anne-Lise Florkin1 | Serena Stagnitto1 | Alessia Rosi2 | Gabriele Chierchia1 | Floris van Vugt3 | Serena Lecce1 | Elena Cavallini1
1 University of Pavia
2 IRCCS Fondazione Istituto Neurologico Nazione C. Mondino, Department of Neurology and Neurorehabilitation
3 University of Montréal
Perspective-taking is shaped by both age and culture. With age, egocentric interference often increases, complicating the shift to others’ perspectives. Additionally, research suggests that collectivistic cultures may favor an egocentric perspective (representational theory), while others indicate that these cultures more easily shift to an alter-centric perspective (attentional theory). Despite these findings, few studies have explored age and cultural differences, or their interaction, in spontaneous perspective-taking. This study aimed to examine spontaneous perspective-taking tendencies in younger and older adults from both collectivistic and individualistic cultures, as well as the link between these tendencies and self-reported predispositions to take others’ perspectives.
Participants included 83 younger (19–40 years) and 67 older (64–98 years) adults from an individualistic culture, and 25 younger (19–34 years) and 26 older (62–75 years) adults from a collectivistic culture, who completed a novel online spontaneous perspective-taking task. Results showed no significant age differences in spontaneous perspective-taking, though older adults required more time to adopt others’ perspectives, suggesting increased egocentric interference. More collectivistic participants adopted a self-perspective, supporting the representational hypothesis, but no age-by-culture interaction emerged. These findings underscore the importance of investigating spontaneous perspective-taking across age and cultural contexts.
Grandchild caregiving and grandparents’ cognition: effects of care status, care frequency, and care activities.
by Yvonne Brehmer | Flavia S. Chereches | Gabriel Olaru | Nicola Ballhausen
Tilburg University
Previous research has linked higher frequency of grandchild care to better cognition and slower cognitive decline for grandparents. However, it is unclear whether these effects are driven by differences between caregiving and non-caregiving grandparents or if, among caregivers, the amount of caregiving influences later cognitive functioning. Additionally, we do not know if specific caregiving activities (e.g., playing, cooking for grandchildren) or the diversity thereof affect grandparents’ cognition and whether these effects are only present for grandmothers or grandfathers. Thus, using latent growth curve models on three waves of ELSA data (N > 1000), we first compare caregiving grandparents to propensity-score matched non-caregiving grandparents on cognitive levels and decline. We then focus on caregiving grandparents, examining whether (a) caregiving frequency, (b) specific caregiving activities and (c) diversity of performed activities predict cognitive levels and decline. As past research reported gender differences in the effect of care on cognition, we run the analysis separately for the two genders. Our findings will clarify whether the positive effects of grandchild caregiving result from differences between caregiving and non-caregiving grandparents, if caregiving frequency and activity diversity impact later cognition, and whether these effects vary by gender.
The effect of changes in social participation during the transition to retirement on changes in cognitive functioning: Results from the Canadian longitudinal study on Aging (CLSA).
by Laurie Borel | Guillaume Vallet | Benjamin Boller
Université du Québec à Trois-Rivières
Retirement is a major life change, often linked to cognitive decline regardless of age. This cognitive decline varies among individuals, and certain factors may be pivotal at this stage. Social participation is associated with better cognitive abilities in older adults, though it may vary over time, potentially due to retirement. The objective is to examine the evolution of social participation during the transition to retirement and its effects on cognition.
Firstly, we investigated how retirement affects social participation using data from the Canadian Longitudinal Study on Aging (CLSA) (Raina et al., 2009). The sample included 1,634 individuals who retired over three years, compared to 11,248 who stayed active during that period. Social participation measurement assessed the frequency of engagement
in 8 different activities at each time point.
The results indicate an increase in social participation after retirement, notably in physical activities (F = 4.09, p < .001) and volunteering (T = 2.76, p < .001). Having obtained access to a third measurement time, we are currently analyzing the impact of these changes on cognitive evolution in retirement over a 6-year period. Our aim is to identify patterns of change that are likely to predict long- term cognitive trajectory.